Jewish question in Bandera's independent Ukraine

The Simon Wiesenthal Center today condemned Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko for posthumously awarding the "Hero of Ukraine," one of the country’s highest honors, to Stepan Bandera, a Ukrainian nationalist leader whose followers killed thousands of Jews and others during World War II.

In a letter to Oleh Shamshur, Ukraine’s Ambassador to the United States, Mark Weitzman, the Wiesenthal Center’s Director of Government Affairs, expressed "deepest revulsion at the recent honor awarded to Stepan Bandera, who collaborated with the Nazis in the early stages of World War II, and whose followers were linked to the murders of thousands of Jews and others. It is surely a travesty when such an honor is granted right at the period when the world pauses to remember the victims of the Holocaust on January 27."

I have scanned a short excerpt from the protocol of the OUN (Bandera's faction) conference held in Lviv on 18-19 July 1941. The conference dealt with the ethnic minorities in Bandera's independent Ukraine, but this short excerpt concerns the "Jewish question" only.

П. ГУПАЛО: Добре було би, якби нам віддали райони, заселені українцями. Головне, багато всюди є жидів. В центрах спеціально. Не дозволити їм там жити. Вести політику на виселення. Вони будуть самі втікати. А може виділити їм якісь міста, пр. Бердичів.
П. ЛЕНКАВСЬКИЙ: Схарактеризуйте мені жидів.
П. ГОЛОВКО: Жиди є дуже нахабні. Не можна було сказати жид. З ними треба поступити дуже остро. В центрі не можна держати рішучо. Мусимо їх покінчити.
П. ЛЕВИЦЬКИЙ: В Німеччині Жиди мають арийський параграф. Для нас більше цікава є ця справа в Генерал Губернаторстві. Там назначено кожного Жида. Кожний Жид мусів бути зареєстрований в віроісповідній громаді. Їх усували із деяких міст приміром з Кракова, а переміщували до інших, пр. до Варшави, призначували їм гета, які обмуровували мурами. Вони мають кіна, театри, але не мають що їсти.
Молоді здібні до праці - ідуть до праці. Частину треба знищити. Хоч і тепер є вже дещо знищено... Факт є, що деякі влізли в українську кров, богато женилися з українками. В Німеччині є різні пів-жиди, чверть-жиди, але в нас так бути не може. Німець, що жениться з жидівкою, стає жидом.
П. ГОЛОВКО: На Україні супружжа з жидівками є головно в містах. Жидівки виходили заміж за Українців для вигідного життя, коли українці банкротували вони розводилися. Жиди з українками добре навіть жили. Мені дуже подобається німецький погляд.
П. ГУПАЛО: В нас є багато працівників жидів, яких навіть поважають, є і такі, які вихрестилися до революції.
П. ЛЕНКАВСЬКИЙ: Це треба розглядати індивідуально.
П. ЛЕВИЦЬКИЙ: Німці спеціалістів використовують. В Кракові є 5 жидів, що не носять опасок, за те, що добрі сили. Мені здається, що німецький спосіб жидівської справи нам дуже підходить. Мусимо індивідуально розглядати поодинокі випадки.
П. ЛЕНКАВСЬКИЙ: Відносно жидів приймемо всі методи, які підуть їм на знищення.

Source: Бондаренко К. До питання про національну політику Організації Українських Націоналістів на початку німецько-радянської війни // Українські варіанти. – 1997. – № 2. – С. 93-95 (94).

Radicalism and New Media

Matthew Feldman has recently established a very important research group at the University of Northampton -

Radicalism and New Media Research Group Vision Document

Remit

By harnessing existing expertise in the University of Northampton’s School of Social Sciences, an interdisciplinary research group has been formed to investigate radicalism and new media. While historical examples range from Martin Luther’s use of the printing press to Joseph Goebbels’ use of the radio, primary focus will be placed upon the new media revolution over the last generation (the internet, mobile phones, satellite television, personal audio devices, etc.) as it has been deployed by ideological and/or religious radicals.

Although this understudied connection is both striking and increasingly noticeable – whether from the English Defense League’s use of Facebook for directing activities or Islamist jihadi beheadings filmed for the purposes propaganda and global dissemination – there has been, as yet, no coordinated network to systematically undertake research in this critical, highly visible area. In taking on this role, we will invite academic researchers, practitioners and civil servants (partihttp://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gifcularly the police and security services) to compare experiences and develop collaborative enterprises in the analysis of this wide-ranging phenomenon, particularly as it relates to the contemporary UK.

To achieve such goals at this formative stage, the ‘Radicalism and New Media Research Group’ especially aims to develop s at once academic and public-facing, cutting-edge yet supported by the School’s established academic leaders in the fields of media studies, political extremism, law, sociology and criminology, as well as modern history.

Academic Advisory Team at the University of Northampton

- Dr Matthew Feldman, History (Project Leader)
- Dr Paul Jackson, History (Project Co-ordinator)
- Professor Jon Stobart, History
- Dr Manos Daskalou, Criminology
- James Ressel, Law
- Kirstie Best, Law
- Simon Sneddon, Law

Forthcoming Activities

- Running academic conferences, ideally for summer 2010 initially;
- Conducting original research, particularly as it relates to the Research Group’s above remit;
- Launching an online journal, perhaps on the interaction of cults and new media;
- Writing government reports, such as for OCST, J-TAC, the Home Office or similar;
- Forming external partners, notably through a series of large grant bids to UK research bodies;http://www.blogger.com/img/blank.gif
- Developing interdisciplinary Masters programme in Radicalism and New Media or similar;
- Creating new continuing professional development courses in issues relating to radicalism and new media;
- Establishing a Research Centre for Radicalism and New Media at the University of Northampton

Contact Details

Email:
Matthew.Feldman@Northampton.ac.uk
Paul.Jackson@Northampton.ac.uk

Postal:
Dr Matthew Feldman, School of Social Sciences, University of Northampton, Boughton Green Road, Northampton NN2 7AL

Telephone: 01604 892575

Tymoshenko and the Ukrainian radical right

The presidential candidate Yuliya Tymoshenko's links to the Ukrainian far right are often played down. Few people seem to remember that in 1997 Dmytro Korchynsky, a former leader of the notorious extreme right-wing party UNA-UNSO, left his party and organised the so-called "Shield of Fatherland" (Щит Батьківщини) which was deemed to be a "paramilitary" wing of Tymoshenko's party "Fatherland" (Батьківщина). In 2000-2001, during the "Ukraine without Kuchma" campaign, Tymoshenko directed Korchynsky and his organisation to protect the protesters. In 2002 Korchynsky reformed the "Shield of Fatherland" into the "Brotherhood" (Братство) party which was officially registered by the Ministry of Justice in 2004.

Another former leader of the UNA-UNSO (1999-2001), Andriy Shkil, joined the parliamentary group of the Bloc of Yuliya Tymoshenko (BYuT) in 2002 and became an official member of the "Fatherland" party in 2004. Quite soon he was elected to the political council of the party.


Andriy Shkil (on the right behind the NPD flag) during the
meeting of the UNA-UNSO with the extreme right-wing
Nationaldemokratische Partei Deutschlands (NPD)
in June 2000.

Interestingly, in Lviv the editorial office of the UNA-UNSO journal Nationalist, edited by Shkil, shared the same premises with Tymoshenko's "Fatherland" party.



It was Shkil who unambiguously approved Viktor Yushchenko's "Bandera the Hero" act.

On 24 August 2008, Levko Lukyanenko, a prominent member of the BYuT parliamentary group, celebrated his 80th birthday and published a revealing article titled "Ukraine's Civilisational Choice", in the MAUP's anti-Semitic journal Personal Plus. Just an excerpt -

Do we, Ukrainians, people of the white race, want to become different from what we have been, for example, to become black, yellow or red? The cases of marriages of Ukrainian women to representatives of another races indicate that not all [Ukrainians] value their white race. Thus I state my own position: I come out wholeheartedly for the preservation of the Ukrainian people as the white race and ultimately oppose the transformation of the Ukrainian nation into a nation of some blacks, browns or of any indefinite colour.

On the very same day Tymoshenko wished Lukyanenko many happy returns of the day.

Isn't it too much for the democratic (?) and pro-European (?) presidential candidate?

Stepan Bandera becomes a Hero of Ukraine

Ukrainian President Viktor Yushchenko, who contested the presidential elections held on 7 January 2010, obtained only 5.45 per cent of the vote and, thus, set a new world record for the lowest vote for an incumbent in a presidential election.

On 22 January 2010, during the ceremonies marking Ukrainian Unity Day, Yushchenko conferred the rank of a Ukrainian Hero to Stepan Bandera, the leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN, Bandera’s branch). President said that the high rank had been conferred to Bandera for “defending national ideas and battling for an independent Ukrainian state”.

Stepan Bandera (1909–1959) was one of the most notorious Ukrainian fascists, terrorists and Nazi collaborators, who was responsible for deaths of hundreds (if not thousands) of Poles, Russians, Jews and Ukrainians. He played a key role in the terrorist activities against the authorities of Poland and other countries (see more info on the OUN's attempt at assassinating Franklin Roosevelt). In 1934 Polish authorities even sentenced him to death for terrorism but eventually the sentence was reduced to life imprisonment: Bandera was freed in 1939 by the German troops after they had occupied Poland.

Bandera has been one of the few Ukrainian Nationalists mentioned in the proceedings of the Nuremberg Trial of German Major War Criminals. On 25 December 1945, former Colonel of the German Army Erwin Stolze testified –

“In carrying out the above-mentioned instructions of Keitel [General Field Marshall Wilhelm Keitel] and Jodl [General Colonel Alfred Jodl], I contacted Ukrainian Nationalists who were in the German Intelligence Service and other members of the Nationalist Fascist groups, whom I enlisted in to carry out the tasks as set out above [subversive activities in the territory of the USSR]. In particular, instructions were given by me personally to the leaders of the Ukrainian Nationalists, the German Agents Myelnik (code name ‘Consul I’) and Bandara [Stepan Bandera] to organise, immediately upon Germany’s attack on the Soviet Union, and to provoke demonstrations in the Ukraine, in order to disrupt the immediate rear of the Soviet Armies”.

On 30 June 1941, after Nazi Germany had levied war on the USSR, Bandera was proclaimed a leader of independent Ukraine. Article 3 of the Act of Ukraine’s Independence read as follows –

“The newly formed Ukrainian state will work closely with the National-Socialist Greater Germany, under the leadership of its leader Adolf Hitler which is forming a new order in Europe and the world and is helping the Ukrainian People to free itself from Muscovite occupation.
The Ukrainian National Revolutionary Army which has been formed on the Ukrainian lands, will continue to fight with the Allied German Army against Muscovite occupation for a sovereign and united State and a new order in the whole world.
Long live the Ukrainian Sovereign United Ukraine! Long live the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists! Long live the leader of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and the Ukrainian people – Stepan Bandera”.

Of course, Bandera’s priority was an independent Ukraine, and that was where Bandera’s and Nazis’ plans differed. Where they did not differ, however, was both German and Ukrainian fascists’ vision of the “new world order”.

Yushchenko is right in one thing: Bandera did “battle for an independent Ukrainian state”. But what Ukraine would it have been? Article 1 of Constitution of Ukraine, the principles of which Yushchenko swore to defend after the victorious “Orange revolution”, unequivocally states that “Ukraine is a sovereign and independent, democratic, social, law-based state”. What does Bandera’s vision of Ukraine have to do with the democratic, social and law-based Ukraine? Absolutely nothing, I believe, and the majority of Ukrainian citizens think likewise. Does President of a democratic state have a right to legitimise Bandera’s fascist Ukraine on the only ground that it would have been an independent Ukraine? No, they do not. Small wonder that Yushchenko decided to make Bandera a Hero of Ukraine after he had ignominiously lost the presidential elections: he had nothing to lose.

But we do have something very important to lose. With Bandera being a Hero of (democratic!) Ukraine, we are losing confidence that extreme nationalism and fascism of different strains have been driven out to the margins of genuine democratic politics. Can we expect response to this outrageous act of Yushchenko's from two major presidential candidates, Viktor Yanukovych and Yuliya Tymoshenko? I think we should expect because they must clearly state their positions, before the second round of the presidential elections to be held on 07 February. At the moment we have responses from Yanukovych's (Party of Regions) and Tymoshenko's (BYuT) parties, but the presidential candidates must express their opinions themselves.

Von Thronstahl: Germanium Metallicum

I hate that Von Thronstahl released their new album Germanium Metallicum after I had written my article on apoliteic music!



There is an interesting text in the booklet accompanying the above-mentioned album -

This album is the result of a collaboration between young artists from seven countries - united in their creative will, and conspired by their apprehension for their Europe, which should be both a home and a fortress for their culture and their children.
Protecting their holy values, a young generation of Europeans are about to strengthen the resistance against all forms of imminence: both from the outside and from the inside. And, if necessary, even against their own governments, for now they betray the essential interests of their people.
Pure and noble are the hearts of young idealists, pure and noble is the element of Germanium Metallicum. The homeopathic effects of this Germanium Metallicum is also helping to vitalise the power of resistance and it makes contact with the inner will and determination. So this is a worthy symbol for an alchemic transformation; physically and spiritually.

(Small wonder that a Russian New Right groupuscule "Peoples' Rights" has published a lengthy review of Germanium Metallicum on their web-site.)

I would have definitely quoted this text in my article, as it is such a revealing example of the far-right inner immigration! And, speaking of the inner immigration: Von Thronstahl is citing George Orwell in the same booklet: in its turn, that is a nice example of the far right's habitual appropriation of the left-wing legacy -

Being in a minority, even a minority of one, did not make you mad. There was truth and there was untruth, and if you clung to the truth even against the whole world, you were not mad.
(George Orwell, 1984).

What would have Orwell said....

2010 Presidential elections in Ukraine

The vote count for the 2010 Presidential elections is finished. The Central Commission of Ukraine reports the following results (more than 1 per cent) -

Vuiktor Yanukovych - 35.32.
Yuliya Tymoshenko - 25.05.
Serhiy Tihipko - 13.06.
Arseniy Yatsenyuk - 6.96.
Viktor Yushchenko - 5.45.
Petro Symonenko - 3.55.
Volodymyr Lytvyn - 2.35.
Oleh Tyahnybok - 1.43.
Anatoliy Hrytsenko - 1.20.

The voter turnout is rather low in comparison to the previous Presidential elections (first round) -

1999 - 69.82.
2004 - 74.92.
2010 - 66.72.

Viktor Yushchenko, a hero of the "Orange revolution" who lost public confidence due to his political inefficiency and Russophobia, proved himself a loser. Two days prior to the elections he stated that he did not like politics and did not consider himself a politician. I don't think this miserable failure of a President deserves any political space. Thanks for the "Orange revolution", anyway: it brought us fair elections and now the fair elections deliver us from Yushchenko. Case closed.

Well, almost closed. Yushchenko has still got his party Our Ukraine. At the moment it is not possible to predict whether the party will contest the next (most likely early) parliamentary elections. If it does not, I think that a considerable part of Yushchenko's voters will turn to Oleh Tyahnybok's radical right-wing party All-Ukrainian Union "Freedom".

Unfortunately, now Ukraine has to face a choice between two blatant populists: Viktor Yanukovych and Yuliya Tymoshenko. As Andreas Umland correctly argues, these candidates do not really differ from each other. I truly hoped, despite the surveys, that Serhiy Tihipko would win through to the second round, but it looks like unfeasible promises are still popular with the Ukrainian voters. This is ultimately frustrating.

I also hoped that Ukraine would get rid of the painfully familiar West-Centre/South-East cleavage. Well, Yanukovych won in Zakarpattia, but that is all -

From the extreme right to Yushchenko

In 1998 two extreme right-wing Ukrainian parties, the Social-National Party of Ukraine (SNPU) and the State Independence of Ukraine formed an electoral alliance called "Less Words". The alliance did very bad in the 1998 parliamentary elections - it gained miserable 0.16 per cent of the popular vote.

Those elections were the final straw for the SIU and it was dissolved. The SNPU was unable to participate in the 2002 parliamentary elections but was reformed in 2004 and now is known under the name All-Ukrainian Union "Freedom" (yes, the word "freedom" is conveniently put in the quotation marks) headed by Oleh Tyahnybok. In 2004 Tyahnybok supported the presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko (the "democratic" hero of the "Orange revolution"). Later on Tyahnybok focused primarily on his "Freedom" party and is currently a 2010 presidential candidate (with no chance of doing the 2002 Le Pen thing).

Yet what about other people who represented the "Less Words" alliance? Most of them never tried to get elected again, especially those from the SIU part of the "Less Words" list. Most of the SNPU candidates stayed, however, with Tyahnybok.

Now it is really interesting that two candidates of the extreme right-wing alliance "Less Words" are authorised representatives of the 2010 presidential candidate Viktor Yushchenko -

- Iryna Kalynets (Ukrainian: Ірина Онуфріївна Калинець) (number 4 in the "Less Words" list),
- Volodymyr Parubii (Ukrainian: Володимир Іванович Парубій) (former leader of the SNPU and number 8 in the "Less Words" list).

Even more suprising is that another former SNPU member and number 11 in the "Less Words" list Andrii Parubii (Ukrainian: Андрій Володимирович Парубій) is a plenipotentiary representative of Yushchenko in the Central Election Commission (CEC) of Ukraine! There can be only person to represent a presidential candidate in the CEC and for Yushchenko it is a (former?) right-wing extremist Andrii Parubii. Well, he joined Yushchenko's party Our Ukraine approximately in 2005, but still, what a nice company!

Protests against the visit of Oleh Tyahnybok

On 6 January 2010, approximately a thousand (some say 1.500) of citizens of Sevastopol protested against the visit of notorious radical right-winger Oleh Tyahnybok, a leader of the All-Ukrainian Union "Freedom" and a 2010 presidential candidate -



The protests were organised by various groups and parties, ranging from internationalist anti-fascists and Marxists to radical Russian nationalists and Ukrainian populists (the Party of Regions). Anti-fascists and Marxists chanted slogans like "Fascism shall not pass" and "Ouf fatherland is the whole world", while Russian nationalists shouted "Russia, Russia". The Party of Regions, which backs the currently most popular presidential candidate Viktor Yanukovych, did nothing at all, and I assume most of the people who held blue banners of the party were paid for participating in the protests. But well, at least they showed up. It is a shame that local activists of the Bloc of Yuliya Tymoshenko, another popular presidential candidate, did not support the protests against Tyahnybok.

I've shot some video with my camera -

Protests against the visit of Oleh Tyahnybok in Sevastopol from svonz on Vimeo.

The visit of Tyahnybok was claimed to be a meeting with citizens of Sevastopol, but very little people were actually allowed to meet him in the Sevastopol Cultural and Business Centre. Police let through only the local supporters of his party (mostly football hooligans and Neo-Nazi skinheads) and certain journalists. His younger supporters preferred to hide their faces -





Tyahnybok's Sevastopol visit actually followed an earlier "March Against Illegal Immigration" organised by his "Freedom" party and held on 26 December 2009 in Sevastopol. Here's the video - the "March" was picketed by counter-demonstrators and there were a couple of skirmishes. Note the Nazi salutes given by the activists of the "Freedom" party, under blue banners. Well, I am not surpirsed actually as the local leader of the party Oleksandr Boltyan likes posing in a Nazi helmet -



Fascism, however, shall indeed not pass.